EDUCATION FINANCE IN LATIN AMERICA: PERILS AND
OPPORTUNITIES
Fernando Reimers*
SUMMARY
The education systems of Latin America show poor results in
terms of providing quality of education equitably. In part this is because the region
spends less per student at all levels than most regions in the world. This gap in per
pupil expenditures between Latin America and the world is growing.
Although relative to overall government expenditure,
countries in Latin America spend as much in education as do other regions, relative to
gross national product they spend less. This suggests that the underfinancing of the
sector is a result of the low tax base rather than of low government priority to the
education sector. The ratio of expenditures per students to per capita GNP between
different levels is smaller in Latin America than in Africa and is similar to that in
Asia. In Latin America a higher proportion of education budgets is spent in recurrent
expenditures, and a higher share for higher education. The share of enrollments in the
private sector is at the high end in Latin America, relative to other regions.
The paper concludes by proposing options for reform
including, but not limited to, increasing the level of resources for education. Policy
analysis capacity should be developed in Ministries of Education to utilize existing
resources better. Resources should also be used to promote innovations to improve the mix
of inputs and the technical efficiency of education.
Introduction
This paper examines the financing of public education in
Latin America, and compares the patterns of financing in the region with those of other
regions in the world. In conclusion, the paper proposes options to address the constraints
identified in the analysis.
The analysis is based on original computations using data
from UNESCO's World Education Report 1991. For comparative purposes countries were
grouped in eight geographical regions: Sub-Saharan Africa, Other African countries, Latin
America, U.S. and Canada, Other countries in the Americas (including the Caribbean,
Belize, Suriname, Guyana), Asia, Europe and the former Soviet Republics and Oceania.
Appendix 1 lists the countries which were included in each region.
The paper is structured in ten sections. The first section of
the paper outlines the problem of low levels of performance of the education systems and
links that problem to the theme of finance.
Section II examines the absolute levels of expenditure in
education for primary, secondary and tertiary education for Latin America and other
regions of the world. Section III analyzes the growing gap in education expenditures
between Latin America and other regions. Section IV discusses the level of effort
government makes to finance education, which leads to an analysis of the level of effort
in education relative to national resources (section V), and to an examination of the
effort to fund students at different levels (section VI). Section VII discusses the
relative emphasis in each level of education, analyzing per pupil expenditure at each
level relative to other levels. Section VIII reviews the distribution of education
expenditures by type and level. Finally (section IX) the paper discusses the role of
privately financed education at different levels. The last section of the paper discusses
the findings of this study and proposes recommendations to address the major financial
constraints in the context of the undergoing economic transformations in Latin America.
In each section I first examine how all countries in the
world, for which data are available, perform on each indicator, and then examine the
performance of Latin America relative to other regions. In addition, I also provide
comparative evidence from countries in other regions, which have levels of per capita
income that fall within the same range as the levels of income per capita in Latin
America.1
I. The Problem
Latin America has the doubtful distinction of being the
region with the most inequitable income distribution in the world.2 As leaders of the
countries of the region recognize the need to systemically reduce inequities, increase
competitiveness, consolidate democratic institutions and promote stability and
accountability, they will increasingly have to turn to educational institutions.
A look at the education systems of Latin America, however,
shows systems that are turning out products of dubious quality and at low efficiency.
Children are completing the first four grades of primary school without basic reading and
math skills. Secondary school graduates seem to have been better prepared to continue onto
higher education than to find opportunities for productive employment. Graduates at the
tertiary level abound in fields that are at some distance from the most productive or
dynamic sectors of the economy. In sum, the education system at all levels seems to be
doing a better job at providing credentials than at developing basic skills,
entrepreneurial abilities, critical thinking, citizenship, talent or social
responsibility.
A recent study of the International Association of
Educational Achievement assessed the reading ability of children in school at ages 9 and
14. Using equivalent instruments students were tested in 32 countries. Venezuela was the
only Latin American country included in the study.3 The results show that Venezuelan
students have one of the lowest levels of reading ability in the world. Fourth grade
students have on average the lowest level of achievement of all 32 countries studied. In
the section of the test measuring the ability to obtain information from tables or
instructions, the average Venezuelan student has a lower ability than the 5% lowest
performing students in Finland, Hong Kong or the United States, the countries with highest
scores. The best 5% among the Venezuelan students have lower results on the test than the
average student in Finland, Hong Kong or the United States. In grade 9, the performance of
Venezuelan students is one of the four worst in the 32 countries, followed by Nigeria,
Zimbabwe and Botswana.
A standardized test in mathematics and science administered
to students in Brazil, China, England and Portugal shows that Brazilian students have the
lowest scores. While Chinese students scored 80% of the answers in the math test
correctly, students in Sao Paulo only scored 37%, and those in Fortaleza only 32%. In
science Chinese students obtained 67% of the answers on the test correctly, but students
in Sao Paulo scored only 53% and those in Fortaleza only 46%.4
The problem of low quality educational results is compounded
as students progress through the system. A recent education assessment in Paraguay
identified that many entrants to university had serious limitations in reading and writing
ability.5
In addition to generating low levels of learning, schools
also fail to reduce social inequities, as the opportunity to learn is smaller for rural
and poor children. Data from Chile obtained administering a basic skills test to primary
school students show that while students from families in the highest quintile of the
income distribution answer 80% of the questions correctly, students in the lowest quintile
answer only 40% of them correctly.6 A test administered to 3,248 primary school students
(in grade six) in a random sample of Mexican schools shows that on average they answered
only 48% of the items correctly in a curriculum test of basic subjects.7 Students in
Mexican private schools obtain higher scores (65%) than their counterparts in public
schools (47%).
There is little disagreement that the product of schools
leaves much to be desired. A related problem is that schools turn out their product in
very inefficient ways. Grade repetition (estimated at 40% for first grade and 30% for
primary education, at a cost of almost 2 billion dollars per year)8 is a serious
constraint on the internal efficiency of the system and another sign of low quality.
The educational establishment also perpetuates, rather than
helping reduce, the inequalities that characterize Latin American societies. Although most
of the children of school age in the region are enrolled in primary school at some point
in their lives, there are great disparities between and within countries in the region in
how many children are left out of school. Furthermore, for those who are enrolled there
are great disparities in the opportunity to learn for children from different
socioeconomic backgrounds and for those living in urban and rural areas. As a result,
although many enroll in primary school at some point in their lives, many enroll in
schools that put them at such disadvantage--compounded by their own social
disadvantage--that school failure is the most probable outcome; many of these children
learn little, repeat several times, and eventually drop out of school.
The children who do not have access to education are
disproportionately children from poor and rural families. In Costa Rica, for instance,
according to survey data from 1982, 13.3% of the children in the age group 7-12 with no
schooling were from the lowest income quintile and only 2.6% from the two highest income
groups.9 In Bolivia, where only 80% of the six-year olds and 93% of the seven-year olds in
the bottom quintile are enrolled in school, the corresponding figures for the highest
quintile are 95% and 98% respectively. At age seven most children in the highest quintile
are enrolled in school, while for the bottom quintile this only happens at age nine. While
94% of the 15-year olds in the highest quintile are still enrolled in school, for the
bottom quintile enrollment drops below 90% after children reach 13 years of age. (Figures
derived from Encuesta de Hogares 1990, Bolivia. This survey was administered in the major
cities in Bolivia in 1990. Only households located in cities with more than 10,000 persons
were included in the sample.)
Table 1 shows that in El Salvador, children from poor homes
are less likely to enroll in school, do it later and stay fewer years in school than their
wealthier counterparts. While in the poorest 20% of the population only one in every two
children are enrolled in school by age seven, in the 10% wealthiest group nine out of ten
children attend school at that age. For the poorest 20% of the population only three out
of every four children attend school at age nine for three years, while for the wealthiest
10%, three out of four children attend school by age five, nine out of ten attend by age
seven and until age 14.
TABLE 1
A related fact constraining access is the different quality
of the services provided to children from different groups. With regard to public
education, as with many other fields of State activity in Latin America, those who have
more, get more.
It should not be surprising that proportionately more people
in rural areas have no access to schooling since those are the areas least served by the
State in providing education. Many of the schools in rural areas have teachers teaching
more than one grade (a rare phenomenon in urban schools), and have teachers with less
training, supervision and access to materials. Many of the rural schools also do not offer
all grades of primary education. In 1987 in Colombia 23% of the urban teachers were
untrained versus 39% of the rural teachers; in Honduras the figures were 15% versus 46%;
in Nicaragua they were 32% versus 74%.10
In Peru the percentage of trained teachers (maestros
titulados) in primary education ranges from 95% in Arequipa (where the reported
repetition rate is 11%), or over 70% in Lima (repetition rates around 10%), down to 20% of
trained teachers in Madre de Dios (repetition rate 46%).11
Table 2 shows that the percentage of public "incomplete
schools" (not offering all grades) is much higher in rural than in urban areas.
TABLE 2
Given these problems, what is the significance of educational
finance? Education funds are necessary to pay for teachers' salaries, for the construction
of schools, for teaching materials and other resources. The question of finance concerns
how much should be spent to accomplish the task of teaching effectively, how resources
should be allocated and who should pay.
The rest of this paper examines the patterns of response that
the countries of Latin America have given to these three questions, and how those compare
to the responses given by other regions. The paper concludes with a discussion of the
significance of these patterns in the current context of the economic transformation being
experienced by Latin America.
II. Latin America Invests Less Per Student at All Levels than
Most Regions in the World
Primary Education
For all countries of the world expenditures per pupil in
primary school (in 1989) range from US$ 11 to US$ 8,400. On average countries for which I
have data spend US$ 887. Half of the countries spend US$ 162.
Latin America spends, on average, less per primary school
student than any other region, with the exception of Africa. As table 2 shows, Latin
America spends one fifth per primary school student of what is spent by Asia or the
Caribbean, and less than one twentieth of what is spent by Europe or the U.S. and Canada.
Countries of comparable per capita income in Asia spend, on average, 20% more per primary
school student than countries in Latin America. Countries of similar income levels in the
Caribbean spend almost five times as much as Latin American countries.
TABLE 3
Education spending per primary student in Latin America
ranges from US$ 24 to US$ 255. On average, countries spend US$ 117; half of the countries
spend less than US$ 96. Two in five countries in the world spend more than the highest
spending country in Latin America at this level.
Secondary Education
Expenditures on secondary education range from US$ 19 per
pupil to US$ 6,712. On average, countries spend US$ 1,013 per secondary school student.
Half of the countries spend less than US$ 268.
Latin America also spends less, on average, per secondary
school student than any other region in the world as seen in table 4. African countries
spend twice as much per student at this level, the Caribbean spends three times as much,
and Asia spends five times as much. Europe, the U.S. and Canada spend 19 and 34 times as
much, respectively. Latin America spends less per secondary school student than countries
in other regions of comparable levels of income per capita.
TABLE 4
Spending on secondary school students in Latin America ranges
from US$ 32 to US$ 376. On average, countries in the region spend US$ 167 in this level;
half of the countries spend less than US$ 104 per student. Two in five countries in the
world spend more than the highest-spending country in Latin America per secondary school
student.
Higher Education
Expenditures per student in higher education range from US$
33 to US$ 13,536. On average, countries spend US$ 3,079 per student at this level. Half of
the countries for which I have data spend less than US$ 1,924.
At the tertiary level Latin America spends, on average, less
per student than any other region in the world as seen in table 5. Countries in
Sub-Saharan Africa spend three times as much per student at this level; countries in Asia
spend four times as much. The U.S. and Canada spend 14 times as much at this level. Asian
countries of comparable income levels spend 50% more per student in higher education than
countries in Latin America.
TABLE 5
Spending per student in higher education in Latin America
ranges from US$ 33 to US$ 1,709. On average, countries spend US$ 649; half of the
countries spend less than US$ 457 per student at this level. Fifty-four percent of the
countries in the world spend more than the highest spending country in Latin America.
III. The Gap Between Latin America and the World Is Growing
Between 1980 and 1988 education expenditures in real terms
decreased in 28% of the countries. Changes in education expenditures ranged from decreases
of 14.7% per year to 25% average annual increases. In half of the countries the increase
was less than 2.9% per year. On average, expenditures grew 2.9% per year.
The rate of growth of educational expenditures in real terms
during the 1980s was slower, on average, in Latin America than in any other region of the
world. Education expenditures in real terms increased 3 times faster in Sub-Saharan
Africa, 3 times faster in Europe and the former Soviet Republics, 5 times faster in the
U.S. and Canada, and 11 times faster in Asia. These results are summarized in table 6.
TABLE 6
IV. How Much Effort Do Governments in Latin America Make in
Education?
As an indicator of government support for education, I
examined the percentage of education expenditures relative to all public expenditures.
This indicator suggests that the governments of Latin America make efforts that are
comparable, in relative terms, to those of governments in other regions. This is
paradoxical given the fact that we have seen how, in absolute terms, spending per pupil in
Latin America is smaller than in any other region. This paradox is resolved in the
following section which shows how education spending relative to GNP is lower for Latin
America than for any other region. This suggests that the gap in education spending
between Latin America and the world is a function of the low tax base in the region.
In 1988 education expenditures ranged from 4.7% of public
expenditures to 27%. Half of the countries in the world spent less than 14.5% of the
public budget on education; on average they spent 14.8%. Table 6 shows that Latin America
is at the high end of education spending relative to public expenditures.
TABLE 7
A pervasive problem in the region is the gap between
allocated and executed budgets. For example, in 1991 the Ministry of Education of
Guatemala spent only 83% of the allocated budget for recurrent expenditures, and only 49%
of the budget for capital expenditures.12 This reflects a common problem: the lack of
financial expertise in the Ministries of Education that prevents fluid communication and
negotiation with Ministries of Finance. As Ministries of Finance have implemented more
mechanisms to discourage spending (as a response to the adjustment process), Ministries of
Education have been unable to disburse the funds allocated to finance their activities
(particularly funds which are not for salaries). This in turn reduces the prospects of
negotiating larger budgets for these purposes in future years.
V. Is the Level of Effort Sufficient?
Even though the level of governments' relative commitment to
education is similar in Latin America to that of other regions, education expenditures are
substantially lower relative to per capita income because Latin American governments spend
less than other regions relative to gross national product (GNP).
In 1988 expenditures in education ranged from 1.4% of GNP to
10.1%. Half of the countries in the world spent 4.7% of their national product on
education; on average they spent 4.9%.
In 1988, on average, Latin America spent less on education
relative to GNP than any other region in the world, as seen in table 8. Countries in Latin
America spend, on average, half of what their counterparts in the Caribbean, or the U.S.
and Canada, spend in education relative to GNP. The same pattern is observed if we
restrict the comparison to countries within the same range of per capita GNP.
TABLE 8
One in three countries in Latin America is included in the
lowest half--in terms of spending on education as a percentage of GNP--of all countries in
the world. The exceptions are Cuba (6.7%), Honduras (4.8%), Nicaragua (6.2%) and Panama
(5.6%). Eighteen percent of the countries in the world spend more than the highest
spending country in Latin America (Cuba with 6.7%) and 20% of the countries spend more
than the next highest spending country (Nicaragua with 6.2%).
VI. Relative Levels of Spending at Different Levels of
Education
Latin America spends less per pupil relative to per capita
income than any other region of the world at all levels.
In 1988 countries' per pupil spending in primary school
ranged from 3% of per capita GNP to 91% of per capita GNP. Half the countries spent 12% or
less of GNP per capita per primary school student. On average, countries spent 14% of per
capita GNP per primary school student.
Expenditures per primary student relative to per capita GNP
are lower in Latin America than in any other region in the world. Among countries within
the same range of income per capita, Asian countries spend 19% more than Latin American
countries, countries in Sub-Saharan Africa spend 63% more, and countries in the Caribbean
spend 3.5 times more.
TABLE 9
In 1988 countries spent from 3% of per capita GNP to 1.7
times per capita GNP on every secondary school student. Half of the countries spent 22% or
less of per capita GNP per secondary school student. On average, countries spend 30% of
per capita GNP per secondary school student. Expenditure per pupil in secondary school
relative to per capita GNP is lower in Latin America than in any other region of the
world, including countries within the same range of per capita income, as seen in table
10.
TABLE 10
In 1988 expenditures per university student ranged from 2% of
per capita GNP to 16 times per capita GNP. Half of the countries spent 63% or more of per
capita GNP per university student. On average, countries spend 1.8 times per capita GNP
per university student.
Expenditures per university student relative to per capita
GNP in Latin America are higher than in the U.S. and Europe as seen in table 11.
TABLE 11
VII. Relations Between Per Pupil Expenditures at Different
Levels
For countries of comparable per capita income, Latin America
maintains a relative balance between expenditures in university students and in students
in primary and secondary education, and between spending in secondary and primary school
students. The gap between spending in these levels, by contrast, is much larger in Africa.
Most countries spend more resources per university student
than per student in primary education. Countries range from those which spend 11% of
expenditures per university student than per primary student (only four countries spend
less for university students than primary students) to those who spend 123 times more per
university student than per primary school student. Half of the countries spend six times
or more per university student than per primary school student. On average, countries
spend 15 times as much per university student as per primary school student.
On average, Latin America spends substantially less on
university students (table 12) relative to primary school students than Africa and less
than countries in the Caribbean. This ratio is slightly higher than that for Asia, but
three and four times higher than the respective ratio in the U.S., Canada and Europe.
TABLE 12
Most countries also spend more on each university student
than on each secondary school student (only four countries spend more on secondary school
students than on university students). Countries range from those who spend 10% of what
they spend on each secondary school student on university students, to those who spend 25
times more on each secondary school student than on each university student. Half of the
countries spend at least four times as much on university students as on secondary school
students. On average, countries spend six times as much on university students as on
secondary school students.
Latin American countries spend, on average, five times as
much on university students than on students in secondary school. This is smaller than the
respective ratios in Africa and the Caribbean and almost the same as the relative figure
in Asia. Expenditures on university students relative to secondary school students are
higher than in the U.S., Canada and Europe (table 13).
TABLE 13
Per pupil expenditures in secondary school students are
generally higher than per pupil expenditures on primary school students. Countries range
from those that spend 18% of per primary pupil expenditures on secondary school students
to those who spend 25 times as much on secondary students as on primary school students.
Half of the countries spend at least 1.8 times as much per secondary school students as
per primary school student. On average, countries spend 2.6 times as much per secondary
school student as per primary school student.
On average, Latin American countries spend 50% more on every
secondary school student than on every primary school student. This difference is
substantially lower than in Africa, and very close to the same ratio in the Caribbean, the
U.S. and Canada, Asia and Europe (table 14).
TABLE 14
VIII. The Distribution of Education Expenditures
Education funds are used to finance different types of
inputs. At one level they can be used to finance investments or recurrent expenditures,
mostly teacher salaries. They can also be allocated differentially to various levels of
education.
Education Expenditures by Type
Latin America spends a substantially higher proportion of
education budgets for recurrent expenditures than other regions. This suggests that there
are relatively fewer public resources available for school buildings and other school
investments. Latin America spends a slightly smaller proportion of the recurrent budget on
teacher salaries than other regions, which suggests more resources available for
administration and classroom materials.
The shares allocated to primary and secondary education are
lower in Latin America than in the rest of the world, while the share for higher education
is higher. This, compounded by the low overall level of education spending, explains the
large gap in absolute terms between Latin America and the world at the lower levels of
education.
In 1988 recurrent expenditures as a percentage of education
expenditures ranged from 64% to 100%. Half of the countries spent over 92% of their
education budgets on recurrent expenditures; on average they spent 90% on recurrent
expenditures.
Latin America is at the high end of allocations to recurrent
expenditures relative to the total education budget as seen in table 15.
TABLE 15
In the world, 50% of the countries spend 10% or more of their
education budget on nonrecurrent expenditures, but in Latin America 93% of the countries
spend 10% or less for this purpose. Forty-six percent of Latin American countries spend
less than 5% of their education budgets on non-recurrent expenditures.
In 1988 the share of recurrent expenditures for teacher
salaries ranged from 35% to 96%. Half of the countries spent 65% or more on teacher
salaries. On average, countries spent 66% of their recurrent budget on teacher salaries.
Latin America does not spend a higher share on teacher salaries than other regions in the
world, as seen in table 16.
TABLE 16
In 1988 the share of recurrent expenditures for primary
education ranged from 18% to 94%. Half of the countries spent 44% or less on primary
education. On average, countries spent 46% on primary education.
Education Expenditures by Level
The share of education expenditures for primary education in
Latin America is lower than the equivalent share for other regions as seen in table 17.
TABLE 17
In 1988 the share of recurrent expenditures for secondary
education ranged from 4.8% to 61%. Half of the countries spent 29% or less on secondary
education. On average, countries spent 29% of their recurrent budgets on secondary
education.
The share of recurrent expenditures for secondary education
is also smaller in Latin America than in other regions, as seen in table 18.
TABLE 18
In 1988 the share of recurrent expenditures for higher
education ranged from .2% to 40%. Half of the countries spent 17% or less of their
recurrent budgets on higher education. On average, countries spent 17% of their recurrent
budgets on higher education.
The share of recurrent expenditures for higher education is
higher in Latin America than in Asia, Europe, Sub-Saharan Africa and the Caribbean.
TABLE 19
IX. The Role of Private Education
The share of students enrolled in private schools in Latin
America is comparable or higher to the same figure in other regions.
In 1988 the percentage of pre-school enrollments in private
centers ranged from 4% to 100%. Half of the countries had 42% or less of the enrollments
at this level in private centers. On average, 49% of the children enrolled in pre-school
attend private centers.
The share of pre-school enrollment in private schools is
lower in Latin America than in all other regions except the United States and Canada.
TABLE 20
In 1988 the percentage of primary school students attending
private institutions ranged from 0% to 100% in different countries. Half of the countries
had less than 8% of primary school students enrolled in private schools. On average, 15%
of primary school students are enrolled in private institutions.
The share of primary school children enrolled in private
schools in Latin America is among the highest in the world, as seen in table 21.
TABLE 21
In 1988 the percentage of secondary school students enrolled
in private school ranged from 1% to 82%. Half the countries have 16% or less of the
secondary school students enrolled in private school. On average, 24% of the secondary
school students attend private school.
The share of secondary school enrollments in Latin America is
among the highest in the world, as seen in table 22.
TABLE 22
X. Conclusions
On the basis of comparisons with other regions, this paper
concludes that Latin America has serious problems in the financing of education, in terms
of imbalances between levels, but especially in terms of overall underfinancing of the
sector. It is therefore not surprising that the education systems of the region are
turning out products of low quality and at great inefficiency. It is clear that as the
economies of Latin America open up to compete in global markets--where comparative
advantage is increasingly a function of knowledge value added--attention to these
constraints of the effectiveness and efficiency of the education systems becomes
imperative.
Opportunities for Reform
While I do not propose that the solutions to the problems
facing the education systems of Latin America are simply a matter of resources,13
resources should not be underestimated either. There is a point where attempting to
improve starving education systems becomes like trying to squeeze water out of stones.
Furthermore, overcoming the existing "system fatigue" and turning the gradual
decline of the sector back into progress will require closing the gap between the level of
resources for education in Latin America and those of other regions of comparable income
levels.
A comparative perspective--though limited to the extent that
data are not available for all countries of the world--is useful to place the patterns
observed in the region in context. For instance, a recent World Bank report on education
and human resources for Latin America states:
The key issue within the sector is the inefficient resource
allocation between public spending on primary education on the one hand and tertiary
education on the other. In most LAC countries, government subsidies still tend to favor
tertiary education despite the fact that primary and pre-school education given higher
returns per dollar or peso spent. For LAC as a whole, in 1989, higher education costs were
subsidized at a rate seven times greater than those for primary education.14
However, the report fails to indicate that for countries with
income levels falling within the range of income levels of Latin America, the same ratio
of subsidies for tertiary to primary students is 26 in Sub-Saharan Africa, 14 in the
Caribbean and 6 in Asia. The same report also fails to indicate that there has been a
steady trend in Latin America to reduce those imbalances during the last 30 years. For
instance, while the ratio of tertiary per pupil expenditure to primary per pupil
expenditure was 16.6 in 1965, it declined to 13.6 in 1970, 11.5 in 1975 and
to 7.8 in 1978.15 Also ignored in the report is the fact that
Latin America has achieved greater access to each level of education than most
countries with comparable income levels. While there are problems that need to be
addressed, this should be done without jeopardizing this comparative advantage.
The evidence examined supports the conclusion that Latin
America invests less per student at all levels than most regions of the world and that
this gap between Latin America and the rest of the world is growing.
The paradox of lower spending levels in absolute terms and
relative to income levels in the region, while the level of effort of the governments is
comparable to that of other regions, leads to the conclusion that one of the problems
undermining the education sector is the low tax base with which governments operate.
A critical issue then is to achieve a significant increase in
education resources at all levels. This will not be achieved by transfers of existing
resources between levels, for it would further increase the gap in per pupil expenditure
between Latin America and the rest of the world.16 Rather additional resources must
be generated for education at all levels.
Options to increase resources for education include
increasing the share of education in the government budget. This would mean increasing the
level of effort of government for the sector beyond that of other sectors. The critical
question here is what should be sacrificed for education's sake. To the extent that
education gains resources currently spent in less productive activities, such as defense
or internal security, for instance, the costs of this adjustment will be lesser than if
resources were transferred from other important sectors such as agriculture, health,
housing or transportation.
Another option is to maintain the level of education relative
to total government expenditures, increasing the tax base and the overall levels of
spending of the government. This option would be inconsistent with the current trend of
"less government."
A mixed option would be increasing government resources, but
only for education, which would require broadening the tax base and targeting the
additional resources for education. This trend is consistent with proposals to reduce the
scope of activities where the government intervenes, but to concentrate government action
in areas with externalities and where the government has a comparative advantage, such as
education, health, construction of roads, etc.17
Other options for expanding resources include promoting
private contributions, either in the form of additional financing from beneficiaries of
education (tuition fees), or promoting the expansion of private schools. As will be
discussed later, neither of these options is an appropriate response to generate
additional resources at the basic levels in the current context of Latin America.
An option to generate additional resources for a particular
level or type of education is to transfer resources from other levels. Given the
underfinancing of expenditures at all levels, this option is not considered an appropriate
response to the problems facing the education system, nor is it considered more
feasible than transferring funds, for example, out of the Ministry of Defense and into the
Ministry of Education.
The distribution of public education expenditures by type is
not particularly different from those of other regions. However, Latin America spends a
higher percentage of public education funds for tertiary education than other regions, to
the detriment of other levels of education. While this reflects the greater effort made in
Latin America to expand educational opportunity at the tertiary level, it also suggests
inequitable use of public funds, since students at this level have a higher capacity to
contribute to the cost of their education than students at lower levels of education.
The shares going to different levels of education should be
changed in favor of basic and secondary education, but this should be done in the context
of a growing education budget, and not draining resources from universities. A recent
study of the World Bank is consistent with this assessment stating that per pupil
expenditure in higher education in Latin America is not excessive:
Higher education in Latin America has gone through difficult
fiscal times. Real expenditures per pupil have decreased, non-personnel outlays have
diminished, and, by inference, undergraduate instructional quality has declined. Strong
arguments can be given that per pupil expenditures should be increased, but existing
misallocation of resources provides no assurance that additional spending would be used
efficiently.18
The existing evidence offers no reason to expect significant
gains in resources from further privatization of education, a frequently touted option for
the sector. Latin America is at the high end of enrollments in private institutions at all
levels. The development of private schools could be promoted by reducing the negative
incentives that currently stem from excessive government regulation (e.g., caps on tuition
fees, excessive paper work and "permisology," which gives supervisors of the
private school system the ability to harass private schools, particularly small government
non-elite schools that lack the political clout to protect themselves).
Promoting privatization, however, is a good option which
favors more efficient utilization of existing resources rather than generating additional
resources. Channelling public funds to privately managed schools serving poor children
(such as the Fe y Alegría program) or establishing matching funds to support
schools serving poor children are options to promote privatization.
The option of generating additional resources at the basic
levels by charging tuition fees in public schools should be carefully considered. Most
public schools already have some forms of "voluntary" contributions from
parents. Further cost-recovery at primary and secondary education levels should not be
introduced unless appropriate studies of price elasticity of demand are made to anticipate
the impact on equity and the expected gains in levels of resources. It may be desirable to
increase cost-recovery at the tertiary level, with mechanisms that ensure that this does
not discourage enrollments from needy students, but this is more justifiable as a strategy
to increase the internal efficiency of the sub-sector by placing incentives to encourage
early completion rather than as a substitute for public expenditures on the sector.
The impact of financial constraints is compounded by the fast
pace with which Ministries of Education have had to adjust to rapid changes during the
last decade. The economic crisis that affected most countries of the region during the
1980s had an important toll on the education sector.
This toll, and the "system fatigue" it generated in
Ministries of Education, is a constraint to options to improve the use of existing
resources. In the short run additional resources will be necessary to fuel reforms
designed to make better use of resources. But at the same time, additional resources
should not be "thrown" at fatigued systems. Fresh resources should be used as
opportunities to promote improvements in quality and internal efficiency, not to promote
more of the same. For instance, it is quite possible that in systems with large rates of
repetition, quality improvements in the forms of textbooks, instructional supplies and
better teacher training over time will pay for themselves.19 However, developing these new
instructional materials and providing them in the short run means additional up front
investment before any savings from reduced repetition have been realized.
One of the priorities to achieve more resources for education
and better utilization of existing resources is to develop the capacity in Ministries of
Education for policy analysis, program preparation and budgeting and financial control.
Many Ministries of Education lack the ability to establish priorities for action and to
develop appropriate programs and budgets that can persuade Ministries of Finance to fund
them. In addition, Ministries of Education have institutional constraints to disburse
funds allocated to them or to respond effectively to the spending disincentives
implemented by Ministries of Finance. As a result, it is hard for the sector to justify
increases in allocations for nonsalary activities when assigned budgets are not spent.
Some of the options to improve internal efficiency include
exploring alternative configurations of education inputs (e.g., more textbooks and
less-trained teachers, teachers with less specialized training, more parental
participation). Changing the mix of inputs may also reduce costs, but this should be done
with the explicit goal of increasing efficiency rather than just cutting costs (e.g.,
developing new teaching technologies relying more on peer teaching and instructional
materials, which allow increasing class size, or developing new teaching career structures
to give more incentives to skill improvement rather than to credentials, seniority or
political connections, promoting new forms of local management, transferring some of the
tasks now handled by large and inefficient central bureaucracies to more decentralized
levels).
Other options include increasing the efficiency in the use of
existing inputs, such as giving priority to the assignment of new teachers to understaffed
schools, or establishing systems to encourage the better trained teachers to attend the
early grades where school failure is higher, or channeling instructional resources to the
early grades of primary school to reduce repetition rates.
Significant gains in the efficiency of higher education could
be achieved by changing the formulae used for the allocation of public funds between
universities. Typically, existing allocation practices reflect political weight and
institutional tradition rather than the quality of graduates or the number of years it
takes different institutions to produce a graduate. New criteria could provide incentives
to encourage research, quality education, closer ties between programs and demands of the
market, and on-time completion. University governance is another area that could benefit
from innovations to move away from the deep-rooted systems of patron-client relationships
and from the control of universities by strong political and interest groups toward more
accountability and professional management.
Gains in efficiency and quality at the basic levels could be
attained by developing combined schemes of publicly funded, but privately managed
educational alternatives. An example is the Fe y Alegría schools which operate in
12 countries of the region and reputedly do a much better job than the State at providing
quality education to the poor.20
Strengthening the ties between schools and communities is an
attractive option, not to generate additional resources--which may not be feasible given
the scenario described later--but to improve the utilization of existing resources, to
establish accountability from teachers to the community and to monitor teacher attendance
and performance.21
The Changing Context of the 1980s
The 1980s were a decade of growing austerity in Latin America
which reduced the potential contributions of households to education. Adjusting countries
also reduced public education expenditures. Facing reductions in funds, education
ministries disproportionately cut the share for teaching materials. Eventually, teacher
salaries deteriorated in real terms too.
The announcement in 1982 that Mexico could not continue
servicing its foreign debt obligations marked a rupture with the environment-facing
governments in the Third World. As it became clear that many countries had been borrowing
(and banks lending) too much, commercial banks became more reluctant to lend money. Faced
with mounting pressure from interest payments, countries turned to multilateral banks who
were willing to lend them more funds to support efforts to stabilize and adjust their
economies. For many nations, economic adjustment was the hallmark of the 1980s.
Adjustment programs have had a relatively short-term focus,
mostly because adjustment was initially thought to be a short-term problem. A UNICEF study
for Latin America points out:
The experience with adjustment programmes, however, has not
been satisfactory. While these programmes should not be seen as the cause of the economic
decline of the 1980s, they clearly have not been able to reverse the adverse developments
in the living standards of the poor, nor in most cases have they led to resumed economic
growth. In addition, these adjustment programmes have generally made no explicit efforts
to prevent deteriorations in human conditions. Thus there is still considerable debate on
the possibility of continuing progress in health, nutrition and education under these
adverse economic conditions and on the nature of the macroeconomic policies and health
measures needed to foster such progress.22
There are two basic channels through which adjustment can
influence education.
The first is through the impact of adjustment on households.
As policies succeed at contracting aggregate demand, the living conditions of many people
deteriorate, thereby reducing the income they have available for school supplies
(uniforms, tuition, textbooks, etc.) and increasing the need for children to contribute to
the household economy.
This type of impact would influence external and internal
efficiency and equity. Poorer families would have to pull their children out of school.
The reduction in the ability of households to contribute could also lead to internal
inefficiencies not only from the reductions in inputs available to learning, but also
because of diminished efficiency in the mix of inputs. For instance the effectiveness of
teacher instructional practices may be reduced if students have no textbooks or notebooks.
A second mechanism linking economic adjustment and education
provision is the change in public education finance that results from pressures to reduce
public spending. Overall cuts in public spending may lead to disproportionate cuts in
education expenditures vis-a-vis other government expenditures.
The short-term structural rigidities in the education budget
make it easier to cut certain items such as funds for teaching materials or school
repairs. This has a negative impact on the internal efficiency of education as it leads to
inefficient changes in the mix of inputs. It is difficult for teachers to compensate for
deteriorating buildings, or to preserve educational quality when there is a lack of
textbooks and materials.
There are also institutional rigidities that can lead to
reductions in total resources for education, increasing inequities in educational
spending. For instance, urban students and schools are typically more vocal, better
organized and closer to the distribution centers of the Ministry of Education. Hence,
reductions in the available instructional supplies are likely to be faced with increased
pressures from those parents to preserve their initial allotments, thus increasing their
share of a declining total pie. The implication is that rural schools, or those attended
by students whose parents have less political leverage, will have to face disproportionate
reductions in their supply of chalk and other learning resources.23 Similarly,
universities have more leverage (political and technical) to increase their share in a
shrinking pie of total resources for education.
The 1980s were a decade of growing austerity in Latin America
as per capita income declined in 78% of the countries. As a result, living conditions
deteriorated in many countries. This is important as it effectively reduced the capacity
of households to support the work of the school. The implication is that in a scenario of
austerity-facing households the efforts of the State to maintain the same levels of
education provision should be more, not less.
In highly unequitable economies, declining income per capita
may lead to further inequities. For Latin America, some authors have proposed that a
series of negative multipliers would translate a 5 to 10% reduction in GNP into a
reduction three to four times larger for low income families. This notion stems from
"the fact that minimum wages drop faster than do average wages, that the prices of
essentials are subject to greater increases than is the Consumer Price Index, that the
newly unemployed frequently also suffer the loss of health coverage and that cuts in
public expenditures are typically asymmetrical. In terms of child welfare, these biases
are further aggravated by the fact that poorer families generally have a larger than
average number of children."24
In Latin America real salaries in manufacturing declined 8.4%
between 1980 and 1985. Salaries in construction declined 19%, the minimum salary declined
11% and informal sector earnings declined 27% (Ibid, 19). Between 1981 and 1988 urban
minimum wages in real terms declined 33% in Brazil, 46% in Mexico, and 40% in Peru.
All of these changes increase the marginal contribution of
the work of children to poor households (even if their work will generate less income
because of reduced demand) and diminish the ability of parents to further contribute to
education by paying for school supplies, uniforms and making in-kind or cash contributions
to the school. The combined effect of these factors is to increase the pressure to pull
children out of school and send them to work.
Facing reductions in funds, education ministries
disproportionately cut the share for teaching materials. Eventually teacher salaries
deteriorated in real terms too. This made the provision of education more difficult, not
just because teachers saw class sizes increase, but because it changed the organization of
the teaching process: teachers had less time to prepare classes, fewer resources for
teaching, taught in buildings in increasing disrepair, and faced students tired from
increasing household responsibilities, sometimes hungry and sick and with fewer things to
bring from home, such as notebooks and textbooks, that could help them learn. To what
extent was education still possible under these circumstances? This question is not
rhetorical, for it is possible that declines of education quality beyond a minimum
threshold would lead parents to reassess the relative benefits of sending their children
to school.
It is in this context that the low levels of education
finance in Latin America and the exploration of policy options should be considered, for
this context gives the growing gap between levels of education finance in Latin America
and the world crisis proportions. It will take leadership to recognize the danger in this
crisis and to construct opportunities for change.
APPENDIX 1
REGIONAL GROUPINGS USED IN THE STUDY
Other Africa
Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Namibia, South Africa, Togo,
Tunisia
Sub-Saharan Africa
Angola, Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon,
Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Congo, Cote D'Ivoire, Djibouti,
Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Lesotho,
Liberia,
Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mozambique,
Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Somalia,
Sudan, Swaziland, Tanzania, Uganda, Zaire, Zambia, Zimbabwe
Latin America
Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica,
Cuba, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Mexico,
Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, Venezuela
Caribbean and Other Central and South America
Antigua, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, British Virgin Islands,
Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, Netherlands, St. Kitts, St. Lucia, St. Vincent,
Suriname, Trinidad
United States and Canada
Canada, United States
Asia
Afghanistan, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Cambodia, China,
Cyprus, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Iraq, Iran, Israel, Japan, Jordan, Korea Democratic,
Korea Republic, Kuwait, Laos, Lebanon, Malaysia, Maldives, Mongolia, Myanmar, Nepal, Oman,
Pakistan,
Palestine, Philippines, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Sri
Lanka, Syria, Thailand, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, Vietnam, Yemen
Europe and Former Soviet Republics
Albania, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Denmark,
Finland, France, Germany Democratic Republic, Germany Federal Republic, Greece, Hungary,
Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Malta, Monaco, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal,
Romania, San Marino, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, USSR, United Kingdom, Yugoslavia,
Oceania
Australia, Fiji Kribati, New Zealand, Oceania, Papua New
Guinea, Samoa, Tonga
* Fernando M. Reimers is an Institute
associate at the Harvard Institute for International Development, where he specializes in
education policy analysis, research, and planning. He also teaches a graduate course on
education policy in Latin America at the Harvard Graduate School of Education. He obtained
his doctorate in educational planning at Harvard University and has published several
books and articles on education finance and development in Latin America. He has been a
consultant for the Inter-American Development Bank, the World Bank, USAID, and UNESCO.
NOTES
1. The country with the lowest per capita income in Latin
America in 1989 had US$ 400 per capita, and the highest US$ 2,620. Most tables include
separate comparative information for countries in each region which fall within this range
of per capita income. This excludes the poorest 25% and the richest 30% countries in the
world.
2. World Bank, World Development Report 1990 (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1990).
3. W. Elley, How in the World Do Students Read?
(International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement, 1992).
4. A. Lapointe et al., Learning Science, Report No. 22
(IAEP, 1992).
5. F. Reimers et al., Análisis del sistema educativo en
el Paraguay. Sugerencias de política y estrategia para su reforma (Asunción:
HIID-CPES, 1992).
6. E. Schiefelbein, "Financing Education for Democracy
in Latin America" (Santiago, Chile: 1991). Mimeo.
7. G. Guevara, "México: Un país de reprobados", Nexos
(June 1992): 33-44.
8. E. Schiefelbein, Repetition Rates: The Key Issue in
South American Primary Education (Washington, DC: The World Bank, LATHR Division,
1988).
9. The World Bank, Costa Rica. Public Sector Social
Spending (Washington, DC: The World Bank, 1990) 19.
10. Derived from table 22, page 53. UNESCO-OREALC, Situación
educativa de América Latina y el Caribe. 1980-1987 (Santiago, Chile: UNESCO, 1990).
11. These figures are for 1985. T. Tovar, Ser maestro.
Condiciones del trabajo docente en Perú (Lima, Peru: UNESCO-DESCO, 1989).
12. F. Reimers, Education Policy Priorities in Guatemala.
An Agenda for Policy Dialogue (Guatemala City: 1993) 24.
13. For a discussion of a systemic agenda for education
reform, involving the areas of finance, management and products of education, see F.
Reimers, A New Scenario for Educational Planning and Management in Latin America
(Paris: UNESCOInternational Institute for Educational Planning, 1990).
14. The World Bank, Human Resources in Latin America and
the Caribbean (Washington, DC: The World Bank, 1993) 52-53.
15. E. Schiefelbein, Education Costs and Financing
Policies in Latin America (Washington, DC: World Bank, 1987) 7.
16. It should be noted that countries of comparable income
levels in Asia spend 20% more per primary school student, and in the Caribbean five times
more per primary student than countries in Latin America. A similar gap exists for
secondary students (where Asia spends 20% more, the Caribbean 2.4 times more and
Sub-Saharan Africa 1.8 times more than Latin America) and for university students (where
Asia spends 52% more per student, the Caribbean 3.4 times more per student, and
Sub-Saharan Africa 3.64 times more than Latin America).
17. The World Bank, World Development Report 1991
(Washington, DC: Oxford University Press, 1991).
18. D. Winkler, Higher Education in Latin America. Issues
of Efficiency and Equity (Washington, DC: World Bank Discussion Papers, 1990) 30.
19. This is, for instance, what was found in the Northeast of
Brazil, see R. Harbison and E. Hanushek, Educational Performance of the Poor: Lessons
from Rural Northeast Brazil (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992).
20. A study of this program in Guatemala found that 85% of
the students who enter pre-school in Fe y Alegría complete six grades in seven
years, in contrast with 34% completion rates in the same period in Government schools. See
J. Diaz, La educación subvencionada. Un modelo de opción para la educación nacional
(Guatemala: Universidad del Valle de Guatemala, Facultad de Educación, 1989) 67.
21. There are three educational innovations in Latin America
that provide quality education to the poor where strengthened school-community relations
play a critical role, see F. Reimers, Education and the Consolidation of Democracy in
Latin America. Innovations to Provide Quality Education with Equity (Washington, DC:
Academy for Educational Development, Project EHRTS, 1993).
22. T. Albanez, E. Bustelo, G. Cornia and E. Jepersen, Economic
Decline and Child Survival: The Plight of Latin America in the Eighties (Florence:
UNICEF, Innocenti Occasional Papers, 1989) 1.
23. For a study of how Ministries of Education responded to
budget cuts see F. Reimers, "Tiene Jomtien relevancia en América Latina. Los ajustes
a la educación cuando se ajusta la economía", La Educación 35.108-110
(1991): 101-132.
24. T. Albanez, E. Bustelo, G. Cornia and E. Jepersen, Economic
Decline and Child Survival: The Plight of Latin America in the Eighties (Florence:
UNICEF, Innocenti Occasional Papers, 1989) 17-18.
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