PUTTING THE "A" IN PROFESSORA:
REFLECTIONS ON WOMEN TEACHERS AND THE INTERDISCIPLINARY PROJECT
*Pia Lindquist Wong
"The [Interdisciplinary] Project is about
pedagogic militancy," a friend of mine told me in response to my question about how
he and his colleagues could maintain their enthusiasm despite a work schedule where
15-hour days were considered the norm.1 Although my friend clearly saw this
Brazilian Project from this radical/activist perspective and derived enormous satisfaction
from dedicating his energies in this direction, his clarity and the ease with which he
tackled the challenges of his job were not always shared by other educators in similar
positions.
For some teachers, their uneasiness about this
combination of pedagogy and militancy stemmed from a disjuncture between personal
philosophies about education and those espoused by the Interdisciplinary Project. For
others, whose own philosophy aligned with the Interdisciplinary Project, the new
curriculum development methods and pedagogy posed challenges that were often too great to
overcome. For still others, the suspicion that this reform would probably, like others
before it, expire within a short period diminished its appeal and the potential benefits
that any extra effort required for implementation could have possibly offered.
By most accounts, however, resistance to the
Interdisciplinary Project should have been minimized primarily because of the ways in
which it was developed and designed. From the perspective of emerging policy debates in
the United States about school reform and the optimal conditions for actually changing
classroom practice,2 the Interdisciplinary Project offered, in many ways, an
example of an educational reform whose inception reflected the recommendations of U.S.
literature on such innovations. The Municipal Secretariat of Education (MSE) decentralized
authority and gave control to the more responsive, local level of government (Elmore 1990)
by placing budgets and curriculum development within the purview of school site councils
and the teaching staff, respectively. Salary increases and additional compensation for
planning and professional development signified important changes in the conditions of
teachers' work (Lichtenstein, et al. 1991). Pluralization of the knowledge base occurred
through the introduction of new curriculum development strategies and classroom
instructional techniques (McNeil 1986). Deliberate opportunities to foster the growth of
professional communities among school site staff were provided and compensated (McLauglin
1992). Finally, each of these changes occurred through a process that actively involved
classroom educators and was supported by considerable donations of material (e.g., new
books and equipment), and personnel (e.g., technical assistance) and resources from the
central administration (McLaughlin 1990; Cohen and Ball 1990; Darling-Hammond 1990).
Nevertheless, resistance to this project's
implementation was still evident among much of the teaching ranks. Although there are
several perspectives on the reasons for this resistance, this chapter focuses on the
interplay between the project's implementation and the teachers' gender. Combining a
discussion of resistance to classroom changes and the teachers' gender is not meant to
imply that female teachers are necessarily opposed to change and transformation. Rather, I
use this focus as a way of pushing the policy field to a more complete and complex
analysis of schools, teachers, and the conditions of policy implementation.
I begin first with a brief overview of the history
of the teaching profession in Brazil, viewed through the lens of its increasing
feminization. I then offer an analysis of the role of women in Brazilian society.
Following this is a general overview of the different elements of the Interdisciplinary
Project, in particular the demands it placed on teachers. Finally, I analyze the ways in
which the teachers' gender shaped their responses to and work within this radical
educational reform.
A Brief History of the Teaching Profession in
Brazil
Similar to that of other countries, the teaching
profession in Brazil today is dominated by women, with the highest concentration at the
auxiliary and primary levels, and a smaller but still significant presence at the
secondary and administrative levels. This "feminization" of the teaching
profession has evolved over the last century, despite an initial domination by men in the
profession. During the 1800s, female access to education was prohibited (except for
religious education), and the vast majority of educators were men. Once Brazil achieved
its independence from Portugal, legislation was passed allowing girls access to four years
of primary schooling. For many years, however, girls' education occurred separately from
that of boys, and, because of the mores of the time, it was considered improper for girls
to be taught by other than female teachers. Through this combination of events, then,
Brazilian women gained entry to the teaching profession.
Of course, the broadening of educational access and
experience for girls, though representative of an important first step, was not without
its problems. In practice, girls' education represented a system of co-education rather
than integrated education. This co-education resulted in a segmented or "separate and
unequal" education system that had significant implications for those who taught
girls--female teachers. For example, girls studied a different curriculum and were
permitted a maximum of four years of schooling. Where boys might study mathematics or
accounting, girls studied lessons "useful" for homemaking such as embroidery or
cooking. Such a restricted "girls' curriculum" also confined the subject areas
that women teachers could explore and develop. Moreover, because salaries were determined
by the courses that a teacher taught, with core subject areas more highly remunerated,
women were systematically denied equal pay for their work (Saffioti 1969).
During this initial period of admitting girls into
primary schools and women into the teaching profession, the majority of schooling and
teaching opportunities existed in private homes (e.g., ranchers or farmers who lived far
from urban centers but needed teachers for their children) or in private schools operated
by the Catholic Church. In the mid nineteeth century, federal legislation opened the first
professional teaching schools (normal schools) which offered entrance to both men and
women. Quickly, however, a hierarchy developed where the dwindling numbers of men
concentrated their training in secondary grades with their emphasis on subject area
specialties, while women were relegated to the primary grades. Such segmentation arose
principally through the tight control over education exercised by the Catholic Church
whose ideology emphasized the necessity of "cloistering" women in a female-only
environment where they could best develop their "biologically" determined traits
of caring for and nurturing children.
Such views and practices predominated through the
end of the eigheenth century until the mid 1930s when legislation was passed that created
a well-defined teaching certification course (o magisterio) that applied equally to men
and women and, more importantly, required the completion of all eight grades of primary
schooling for entrance. This change immediately affected women's educational opportunities
by providing a formal justification for their perseverance in school through higher levels
of primary and secondary education. Actual access to different courses and majors at the
post-secondary level, however, came much later--in the early 1950s (Bruschini and Amado
1988).
Since the 1950s, although the teaching profession
remains a predominantly feminized occupation, changes in the broader society have opened
other opportunities (and necessities) for women professionals. Nevertheless, a quick look
at recent census data reveals the extent to which women constitute a presence in Brazilian
public education.
As the 1970 and 1980 census figures reveal,
teaching, particularly in the early primary grades, remains an overwhelmingly female
occupation. Although similar census data is not available for 1990,3 a recent
international survey found that 87 percent of the total elementary and secondary school
teaching force in Brazil is female. These statistics make it important to consider the
"real" implications of this labor market segmentation. It is no secret that
women worldwide have been engaged in a struggle for economic equality regardless of their
profession. For teachers in Brazil, this struggle is especially intense.
Figures for 1980 teachers' salaries show a huge
differential between women's and men's salaries. For example, in the state of São Paulo
median average salary for male teachers was 5.3 minimum salaries whereas the same figure
for female teachers was 1.9 minimum salaries; nationwide, studies have shown that in 1980,
84.9 percent of the female teaching force earned less than 5 minimum salaries while only
47.8 percent of male teachers were in this salary category (Barroso 1987).4 In
1990 a study of income characteristics revealed that 60 percent of all women (10 years and
older) in Brazil did not report earning an income; of the 40 percent that did, 97 percent
earned 3 minimum salaries or less. For men, however, of those that reported earning an
income, only 56 percent earned 3 minimum salaries or less (Anuario Estadístico do Brasil
1992, 272).
With these gender differentials in mind, we can turn
to other recent statistics. In 1991, 4.6 percent of the Brazilian GNP was spent on
education, with the bulk of this going to the federal universities which do not charge
tuition or fees.5 In 1987, a beginning primary school teacher earned an average
monthly salary of US$179 (this figure was US$223 for teachers in São Paulo). A domestic
worker made US$130, a secretary earned US$197, and a mechanic received US$290 (Ministerio
do Trabalho 1987). At the same time, the educational and training requirements for each of
these four professions (domestic worker, secretary, mechanic, and teacher) were vastly
different, with educators required to invest considerably more time in their professional
training and credentials than the other professions that were similarly compensated (da
Silva 1993).
The cause of such glaring wage inequalities between
women and men has not been clearly explained. In some cases it is possible that female
teachers' salaries are lower than men's because they participate more frequently in
part-time work and their salary represents a supplement to the family income. However,
studies have also shown that a high percentage of female teachers are not married (i.e.,
either single or divorced) and of those that are married, many earn salaries equal to or
higher than those of their husbands, when they are employed. Thus, the wage differential
seems to occur from a number of factors--with the net effect being a inequitable situation
for women.
In addition to this dismal compensation, teaching
conditions observed throughout my study were disturbingly difficult. First, a teaching
shift in São Paulo four hours long. Based on the wages cited above, it is inconceivable
that any adult could survive on the wages garnered through one shift at a school. As a
result, many teachers work two shifts per day, usually at two different schools. Such a
schedule barely provides the minimum salary necessary to make ends meet, and it does so at
tremendous cost to teachers and classrooms. Second, teaching double shifts each day can
mean that teachers prepare for a possible total of ten classes per day and over 350
students daily. Even in the best of circumstances (e.g., plentiful resources, classroom
aides, parental involvement, etc.), teaching under such conditions can only compromise the
quality of instruction. Divided attentions of the teaching force can negatively impact
some of the important effective domains of the school such as the creation of professional
communities and school spirit and regular professional, intellectual, and social
exchanges, and so on (McLaughlin 1992).
Added to these conditions is the reality of an
alarming lack of resources. In interviews with teachers who were participating in the
Interdisciplinary Project, an improvement that they noted consistently was the regular and
timely provision of basic materials such as chalk, paper, and books (texts as well as
books for the library). During previous administrations, supplying chalk and paper had
often been the personal burden of teachers and other school personnel. Few schools had the
requisite textbooks, broken desks and chairs were the norm, and teachers paychecks often
didn't come on time.
This brief glimpse into the realities of the
teaching profession in Brazil raises the question of why these conditions exist and
persist. Many explanations have been offered, but the most persuasive appear to focus on
four perspectives. The first centers on the dominant ideology that views teaching as a
natural extension of women's work as mothers and care-providers for children. To this end,
maternal qualities such as sensitivity, attention to emotional needs, dedication, and
patience are also viewed as preferred traits for teachers. Fitting into this
characterization is the belief that teaching is really more vocation than occupation; that
is, teachers have naturally inherent qualities that arise from biology rather than
training (Bruschini and Amado 1988; see also Carvalho, this volume).
A second perspective condones the predominantly
female teaching force because it allows for working women to mingle easily the two rather
distinct spheres of their lives--their home life and responsibilities and their
professional life and responsibilities. For women who are married with children, having a
teaching job enables them to keep the same schedule as their children (e.g., they can be
home when children return from school). Moreover, because of the teachers' schedule, women
teachers can work and still have enough free time in the day to complete household
responsibilities such as cleaning and cooking before their husbands return home from work
(Mello 1981; Miranda 1975). In addition to these scheduling benefits, the household income
increases, albeit only marginally because of low teacher salaries.
Third, the patriarchal ideology that permeates
Brazilian society allows for a rationalization of women's low salaries based on the fact
that their work almost always constitutes the second income in households. This, of
course, presupposes that female teachers are married and assumes that their husbands are
employed and working in professions where they earn more than their wives.
Finally, also common to a patriarchal society is a
dynamic in which women frequently have access only to those jobs not selected by
men--whether because of low status, low pay, poor working conditions, etc. (Strober 1984).
This brief overview of the teaching profession in
Brazil leads to a discussion of the role of women in Brazilian society which is the focus
of the next section.
The Role of Women in Brazilian Society
With the teaching profession as but one example of
the ways in which women articulate their professional and economic position in a
capitalist society, it is evident that tremendous discrimination and oppression of women
exists in Brazilian society. Such challenges are not so different from those in many other
countries where women of many classes and races struggle to obtain the rights promised to
them by law. In Brazil, federal legislation is, in some areas, surprisingly progressive,
particularly regarding maternity rights and salary policies. Nevertheless, compliance with
the law is unevenly pursued, contributing to persisting inequalities between men and
women.
The situation of women in Brazil varies greatly
depending on the focus of the discussion: poor women face tremendous discrimination
relative to middle class and wealthy women, who are often their employers; women of color,
who are predominantly poor as well, face even harsher conditions; finally, women in urban
areas enjoy much greater opportunities in a range of situations than do women living in
rural areas where more traditional mores and values prevail. Regardless of their
geographic location, their socio-economic status, or their ethnic heritage, women in
Brazil tend to face many similar obstacles, though to different degrees. Primary among
these challenges is the social devaluation of the household and family responsibilities
that typically fall within the domain of women. These responsibilities include the general
upkeep of the home (cleaning, cooking, washing clothing, etc.). More important than these
tasks is the child-rearing responsibilities that tend to fall disproportionately on the
shoulders of women. These responsibilities and obligations are accepted unquestioningly as
being within the purview of women and are rarely considered tasks that can be shared among
all members of the household. In addition, rarely, if ever, are these types of work
included in a discussion of the Awork" that women do who are not professionally
oriented.
In a patriarchal and machista society, such as one
finds in Brazil, while legislation exists that guarantees maternity leave, requires equal
pay for equal work, and extends civil rights to all citizens, regardless of race, gender,
class, or age, women still face tremendous battles. Such struggles are played out on
battlefields that are both private and public. More commonly, discourse around women's
rights and the ways in which men and women can collaborate, work, and cooperate together
in an equitable environment occurs in the workplace or other public settings where local,
federal, and international legislation mandates such discussion and negotiation. But women
and men must also work to negotiate and articulate their separate roles in households and
families, so that these dynamics also support the progress pursued in the public arena.
Although this section has considered the realm of
the teaching profession separately from the role of women in society, the reality is that
they are closely intertwined and interdependent. In the next section, I will describe an
educational reform effort launched by the Municipal Secretariat of Education in São Paulo
between 1989 and 1992. In discussing this reform and the ways in which teachers worked to
implement it, I take the opportunity to highlight the ways in which personal realms and
professional realities intersect and impinge on each other.
The Interdisciplinary Project
In 1989, Luiza Erundina of Brazil's Workers' Party
(Partido dos Trabalhadores; PT) became the mayor of São Paulo. In her mayoral campaign,
Erundina targeted the improvement of the city's public education system6 as a
central issue. Upon her election as mayor, she appointed internationally renowned
philosopher and educator, Paulo Freire, as Municipal Secretary of Education.7
Under Freire's leadership, the Municipal Secretariat
of Education (MSE) committed itself to the construction of a popular8 public
education system. Recognizing that children from working and poor (popular) communities
comprise almost 100 percent of total student enrollment (Gadotti 1989) in the São Paulo
public school system, this administration took a "preferential option" for the
service of the majority of its clients and constituents: the popular classes. As Freire
eloquently stated,
We dream of a school that, because it is serious, is
dedicated to a form of competent teaching, a school that also generates happiness. What
there is of seriousness, even painful, work-intensive, in the process of teaching,
learning, and knowing does not transform this task into something sad. On the contrary,
the joy of teaching-learning should accompany teachers and students in their constant
yearning for joy and knowledge. [And] we dream of a school that is in reality democratic,
that attends for this reason, to the interests of underprivileged children.... (1993:
18-19)
The PT administration hoped that this joyful,
democratic, and popular school would emerge through the pursuit of four broad objectives
identified by Freire's administration: (1) increased access to schooling, (2) increased
retention of students in the public school system, (3) increased efforts to provide
education to working youths and adults, and (4) democratization of all aspects of the
education process. The MSE developed a number of programs and projects around these four
objectives which aimed at redefining fundamentally school governance, curriculum,
pedagogy, and school links to the community. Some of these programs included the
Interdisciplinary Project, the Genesis Project (computers), reinstitution of school site
councils, and MOVA (the Movement for Adult and Youth Literacy).
This section concentrates on the Interdisciplinary
Project which the MSE designed as one avenue through which to address the first, second,
and fourth objectives listed above. Briefly, the Interdisciplinary Project was a voluntary
curriculum reform effort offered to interested elementary (first through eighth grades)
schools. The project began with 10 pilot schools in 1991 and expanded to nearly 100
schools by the end of the PT administration in November of 1992. This project provided a
four-phased framework for the interdisciplinary and democratic development of curriculum
via the generative theme. The first phase involved school staff engaging in a deliberate
and informed process through which they considered participation in the Interdisciplinary
Project. An affirmative decision (from at least 80 percent of the staff) then required the
submission of a proposal detailing the work they expected to do as participants in the
Project.
The second phase involved a "Study of the
Reality" (a profile of various aspects of the school community), a product of which
was the school's generative theme. In the third phase, teachers organized the content of
their various disciplines around the generative theme; this was called the
"Organization of Knowledge." In the fourth phase, teachers designed exercises,
activities, and projects through which students applied their knowledge (known as the
"Application of Knowledge").
The Interdisciplinary Project also required the
reformulation of classroom pedagogy to fully incorporate a student-centered instructional
practice that built on students' experiences. The ultimate goal was a student-centered and
democratic classroom where teachers and students engaged in a collective construction of
new knowledge drawn from both popular and more formal sources.
Reaction, both positive and negative, to the
Interdisciplinary Project tended to focus on three project features: instructional
content, instructional strategies, and instructional outcomes. Different teachers and
staff reacted in varying degrees to each of these in such a way that it was not clear that
one particular feature of the project was more agreeable or disagreeable than the other.
More than the somewhat formulaic steps for developing curriculum and reorienting
instructional styles, the Interdisciplinary Project required educational professionals to
reflect deeply on their own beliefs, attitudes, and values with regard to their students
and their profession. Furthermore, the Interdisciplinary Project required this
transformation in attitudes and beliefs on many different levels.
First, in terms of instructional content, project
participation required teachers to reconsider and reexamine their beliefs and ideas about
what knowledge is and knowledge production. The Interdisciplinary Project pluralized the
basis for curriculum development by including formal sources as well as popular sources
brought in by the school community (including students). Even in a North American and
first-world context, such a redefinition of what knowledge is appropriate for the school
setting would meet with considerable confusion and opposition.9 The reaction
could only have been more intense in Brazil where 25 years of a military dictatorship in
hot pursuit of "modernity" had sharply legitimized Western and elitist values
and conceptions of knowledge.
Second, the transformation of classrooms into
student-centered spaces also required many teachers to critically reflect on their
pedagogy (i.e., instructional strategies) as well as their opinions and views of students.
For many teachers, this shift in authority relations proved a daunting task. In addition
to requiring an entirely new instructional strategy--where the teacher acted more as a
facilitator of learning rather than the sole distributor of knowledge--a student-centered
classroom meant that teachers must enter into discourse with their students, remain
flexible about daily lesson plans, explore new ideas, and learn alongside their students.
Third, the ultimate objective and the instructional
outcomes of the Interdisciplinary Project--to create critical and responsible
citizens--deviated quite broadly from a typical educational objective (e.g., higher test
scores, lower retention rates, etc.), not to mention the philosophical, intellectual, and
political questions that it posed for project participants. For many teachers and other
people in Brazil, 25 years of military dictatorship had made the concept of citizenry and
an understanding of a democratic civil society rather fuzzy. Some teachers viewed
democracy in the classroom as tantamount to anarchy. Others doled democracy out to
students, rewarding them for good behavior with the chance to work on an assignment in
groups. Still others felt eminently comfortable with their new relationship with students.
The range of interpretations of citizenship and opinions of democracy was quite wide and
ultimately affected the reception given to the Interdisciplinary Project.
Aware of the tremendous challenges for policy
implementation, the MSE under Freire's leadership provided impressive institutional
support for participants in the project, particularly in the way of technical assistance.
The MSE published and distributed a series of documents that were user-friendly and
explained the many facets of each portion of the Interdisciplinary Project. In addition,
participants in the project received an initial training session of approximately one week
prior to their implementation of the project that included theoretical overviews as well
as practical pre-service workshops. Following up on this initial training session were
weekly visits to the participating schools by regional administrators (from the Nucleo de
Acao Educativa; NAE) who offered technical assistance to the teachers implementing the
project. This assistance came in various forms, and admittedly was applied unevenly across
participating schools sites.10 Nevertheless, these regional administrators
assisted teachers with planning and understanding various phases of the project, led
discussions of the various readings included in the MSE publications, and often
facilitated the process of understanding the primary theoretical tenet of the project
(e.g., social constructivist theory). Finally, project participants were compensated for
an extra ten hours of meeting time per week to deepen their understanding of the project
(e.g., through discussion of the readings or reflections on classroom work) and to plan
the different phases of the project, interdisciplinary units, and other activities.
While this support was impressive, given the
comprehensive and radical nature of the project, perhaps such technical assistance was
only marginally sufficient. In my visits and observations at school sites, I often had
conversations with teachers who pointed out an oversight or deficiency in the overall plan
for project implementation: the absence of a deliberate problematization of gender in the
conception of the project in practice.
As we saw earlier, educators in public schools are
disproportionately female. During the course of my field research, I conducted
observations in 7 schools. Out of 66 teachers, only 5 were male; only 1 of the 12
administrators at these schools was male. While in comparison with schools not
participating in the Interdisciplinary Project these schools may have been unique, I
believe that in terms of other schools participating in the Interdisciplinary Project the
composition of their staff was fairly representative.11 Nevertheless, in a
quick analysis of the various documents published by the MSE, one will note that the
syntax is overwhelmingly presented in the male gender. That is, "professor" is
typically used rather than "professor/a" and "aluno" is used rather
than "aluno/a." The former usage, when read literally, implies male teachers and
male students. Although it is customary in most romance languages to use the masculine
form of a word, even when referring to groups that include men and women, this custom has
been increasingly challenged over the last decade. Of the MSE's 30,000 teachers, well over
50 percent were women. Moreover, many of the high-ranking officials in the MSE were
women--including the head of the division responsible for the Interdisciplinary
Project--thus making even more peculiar this apparent neutrality in the language used in
MSE documents.
But more important than monitoring syntax and
counting heads, it is essential to ask, why would gender make a difference in whether or
not teachers implemented the Interdisciplinary Project; in the adequacy of the
institutional supports provided by the MSE; in the realization of the Project's goals to
create a new citizenry? Recalling the earlier discussion of the feminization of teaching,
we saw that for all practical purposes teaching was one of a very few professions open to
women; moreover, it was probably unique in that it required (and provided the opportunity
for) women to have some kind of educational formation. In addition, research has shown
that professional women have two demanding sets of work responsibilities--those of their
profession and those related to maintaining their household, e.g., providing childcare,
managing household duties, etc. (Bruschini 1990; Besse 1983).
In fact, in my sample of teachers approximately half
stated that attending a normal college (o magisterio) had been a backup plan that
for various reasons they had to use. The other half had enthusiastically chosen the
teaching profession. In general, regardless of their initial situations, most of the
teachers expressed satisfaction with teaching and being a part of the education system.
Nevertheless, the different trends and patterns documented in the research on the teaching
profession at large is evident even within this small and selectively chosen group of
teachers. An overall conclusion is that teachers did not view their occupation with a
united vision.
Thus, the lack of a deliberate acknowledgment of the
feminine nature of the teaching force in the school district is not simply a matter of
semantics and words. The very elaborate system of technical assistance itself seemed to be
ignorant of the basic realities of most of the teaching force in the district. That is,
the MSE laid down a challenge to the teachers of São Paulo, a challenge that provided a
strong moral imperative to make radical changes in education.
The gist of the challenge was to transform teachers
into a highly mobilized professional force that would then work to create critical and
responsible citizens. Yet, in many ways, the MSE appeared to not understand its audience
or know how to inspire them, move them, and call them to action. In general, the MSE
worked from the assumption that this was what teachers knew they wanted. Specifically,
technical assistance from the NAE facilitators, though impressive in its relative scope
and consistency, pushed teachers only to a critical reflection on their classroom practice
and its contribution to the reproduction of economic patterns of domination and
oppression. Similar attention was not given to the reproduction of other forms of
oppression and injustice such as sexism and racism. In this way, the NAE facilitators were
not fully modeling the pedagogical style that they hoped to instill in teachers--that is,
they were not making the subject matter relevant to their students (i.e., the teachers)
and they did not bring important, perhaps essential, aspects of teachers' lives into the
discussion and formulation of their own practice. In addition, some of the more practical
aspects of project participation, e.g., childcare, women's additional time commitments,
etc., did not enter into discussions that I observed.
Three brief stories illustrate the nature of this
situation. At one school, located far in the eastern periphery of the city, I had the
opportunity to work with Sonia, who taught fourth grade. Sonia was a somewhat reluctant
participant in the project for several reasons. She admitted that initially she had been
skeptical about the project because the way that it approached the curriculum. She was not
sure that students would be given enough "content" in their daily instruction,
but she was willing to experiment with some of the things her colleagues were planning and
was encouraged by their and her own successes with this new method. But while Sonia grew
increasingly comfortable with and convinced of the validity and benefits of working from a
constructivist base of education, she still had reservations about the project. These
reservations stemmed mostly from the extra time that the project required. Even though it
was true that participating in the project improved certain aspects of her professional
life (e.g., increased professional community, considerable professional development, and
increased student performance), she still wondered if she did so at somewhat of a
financial loss. Sometimes she was not sure whether the additional professional benefits
were worth the increased effort. This was a particularly important issue for Sonia because
she was a single mother with two children, so financial issues were constantly at the top
of her priority list.12 She also wasn't completely convinced that she wanted to
spend so much of her time reading, in meetings, and preparing new lessons and units; she
admitted to being a little nostalgic for the old state-mandated curriculum that left very
little room for ambiguity and made few demands on her precious free time.
In a second case, I spoke with a group of regional
administrators about some of the more common reasons for resistance towards the project
that they had noted in their interactions with the school staff. Their answers included
some of the same doubts and skepticism offered by Sonia above, but they also noted that
many female teachers were actually prevented from project participation because of
situations in their private lives. In some instances, these teachers' husbands actually
forbade their participation in the after school meetings;13 in other
situations, they limited themselves because they couldn't find appropriate ways to fulfill
their household duties and participate fully in the project.
Finally, a teacher at a school in the southern
periphery of the city, Silvandira, shared the impact that her work in the
Interdisciplinary Project had on other dimensions of her life. She wrote:
No one democratizes and advances in their
professional lives alone. This professional transformation alters your entire manner of
viewing the world that surrounds us. There is a reformulation of values, which causes a
concurrent change in attitude as a citizen. In my case, I changed in terms of my various
roles as wife, mother, and historical actor. My transformation began with my efforts at
work and in my studies and carried into my struggles for better work conditions,
improvements in my salary, and respect for my rights as a citizen. This expanded even
further into my own conscience about the necessity of struggling for my rights, fulfilling
my responsibilities to the best of my ability, and, above all, passing these values and
this philosophy on to my children, husband, and friends. (Copetti 1994)
A serious consideration of gender on the part of the
MSE or other organizations involved in developing and implementing educational policy is
essential because of the nature of the different challenges and dilemmas that teachers
face because they are women. In the case of Silvandira, the various formal supports
provided by the MSE were certainly sufficient in helping and encouraging her entry into a
new democratic space in her school and classroom. Supplementing these formal mechanisms
was a coherence in her personal situation that allowed her to seamlessly buttress
increased democratization in her professional life with similar processes in other spheres
of her environment. It is not completely clear what aspects of her personal life enabled
such a coherent and interrelated transformation. Perhaps it was because she was older than
Sonia (by about 15 years), perhaps it was because her children, though living with her,
were old enough to be fairly independent, or perhaps it was because she was more educated
than Sonia (a master's degree while Sonia had a teaching certificate).
Regardless of Sonia's profile in relation to
Silvandira's, the reality for someone like Sonia, and possibly for some of the women
described in the second example, was that the support offered by MSE was not adequate.
Sonia experienced a mild dissonance between what she was being asked to do in her
workplace and her own understanding of the teaching profession. Some of the women
described by regional administrators must also have been challenged by a mismatch between
demands for greater participation in school life and authoritative and patriarchal
structures and relationships in other areas of their lives. On the other hand, for
Silvandira, the Interdisciplinary Project served as a vehicle for an integrated
articulation of her professional and personal worlds along these new democratic and
pluralist dimensions. In Silvandira's case, these new democratic forms were present not
only in formal macro settings (such as her work place) but also were introduced into the
micro settings of her family and other relationships and endeavors (Stromquist 1993).
Thus, for some of the women described by
participants in this study, the formalized democracy they experienced at their workplace
through participation in the Interdisciplinary Project, while compelling and challenging,
did not provide them with the impetus, encouragement or confidence to introduce similar
practices into their family environments or other "micro" settings. For these
women, the MSE's call to action on behalf of a more democratic society and on behalf of
the future citizenship of their students represented an almost insurmountable challenge
because it required new practices, new thinking, and new understandings that spilled over
from their professional lives into other areas. For these reasons, then, a
problematization of gender was essential in the implementation of this Project.
The deliberate incorporation of gender into the
overall framework of the Project would certainly have strengthened its implementation and,
therefore, the fulfillment of its main objectives. First, a central objective of the
project was to foster in students critical and responsible attitudes and behaviors towards
participatory citizenship in a democratic society. This was certainly a laudable and
timely goal, given the particular historical moment (e.g., the re-introduction of free
elections at the national level). However, the MSE did not truly provide a space for
teachers to consider and construct their own understanding of citizenship, responsible or
otherwise. That is, on the one hand, the Interdisciplinary Project encouraged teachers
(male and female alike) to use the social constructivist approach to curriculum
development and pedagogy. A central tenet of this theory involves the dialectic
interaction between the student's existing knowledge and experience and new learning
experiences, both combining to create new forms of knowledge. On the other hand, a social
constructivist model was not truly utilized for teachers' professional development. For
example, while the MSE deliberately problematized various class issues related to the
education system, it did not privilege similar discussion around questions such as: what
does it mean to be a woman in a democratic society; how have women exercised their
citizenship in the past; what obstacles might exist to women exercising their citizenship
in this democratizing society; what changes would be necessary to allow women to fully
become critical and responsible citizens in a democratic society? In considering these
questions, with the full range of discussion and reading material that was available for
some of the other important discussions held during meeting times, female teachers might
have had a pedagogical experience that was more coherent with the actual pedagogical goals
of the project. With this experience, they might have (i) deepened their understanding of
their own ideas, and values towards citizenship and (ii) developed a greater experiential
understanding of social constructivism--both would have enhanced their ability to use a
social constructivist approach to develop students' ideas about citizenship and democracy.
More importantly, exploring their own ideas about
citizenship and democracy might have also opened the door for these female teachers to
have broached other important issues such as their "citizenship" or
participation in other areas of their lives. Fully understanding what they were engaged in
with respect to their professional lives might have led to a greater awareness of
particular relationships and structures in the "micro" spaces of their lives
(e.g., their families, community organizations, churches, etc.). Such an awareness coupled
with careful guidance at the school site might have enabled some of these female teachers
to redefine or restructure aspects outside of their school lives to make their efforts in
all realms more coherent and consistent.
Finally, efforts to empower teachers as
"whole" people rather than as developers and/or deliverers of a socially
constructed curriculum might have resulted in greater ownership of the project's goals,
philosophy, and implementation process. For example, a problematization of gender within
the scope of the Interdisciplinary Project might have brought to the surface some of the
issues grappled with by women like Sonia and those described by the NAE administrators. In
bringing to the surface issues related to the obstacles faced by the women participating
in the project, such as conflicts between extra meeting times and other household-related
responsibilities or reluctance of husbands to allow participation, some of the challenges
could have been addressed in a collective manner, or at least in a supportive manner for
the women experiencing them, rather than allowing them to fester and hamper the project's
progress.
Overcoming some of these obstacles, which may have
been mistakenly diagnosed as resistance, through a process that included the
acknowledgement and problematization of gender issues inherent in the Interdisciplinary
Project would have resulted in greater commitment to and ultimately a deeper understanding
of the Project and its goals.
Although many women teachers had impressive
successes with the Interdisciplinary Project, it is unfortunate that the other women
described in this chapter may have confronted obstacles to project implementation because
(among other issues) gender was not deliberately considered by the MSE. Selected feminist
literature and studies of various women's organizations reveal a primary focus on
understanding women's lives in the context of their multiple roles in a male-dominated
world; without such critical reflection, women often reproduce the very relationships and
structures that limit their opportunities. A central aim, then, of the feminist
sensitization process has been to support a concerted struggle by women to dismantle
hierarchical power structures that stress competition and individualism. Women's
organizations and groups have often worked to create new organizational structures and
inter-personal dynamics that encourage and celebrate collaboration, cooperation, active
participation, and partnerships (Howe 1975; Weiler 1988; Kali, 1992; Projeto 1983). These
types of objectives are certainly in keeping with many of the MSE's overall goals for the
Interdisciplinary Project. By not explicitly recognizing teachers' gender as an issue in
the implementation of the Interdisciplinary Project and, consequently, by not providing
support regarding gender in the context of policy implementation and broader societal
relationships, the MSE missed an important opportunity to strengthen the pursuit of its
overall objectives.
*Pia L. Wong is a
recent graduate of the Stanford University School of Education where she earned her
doctorate in international development education. She currently works as a professor at
California State University, Sacramento. Her research has focused on issues of policy
implementation and she has conducted research on educational and community/economic
development policy both in the United States and Brazil.
NOTES
1. Research for this chapter was conducted from
September-October 1991 and from August-December 1992, and included classroom and meeting
observations, a series of semi-structured interviews (with teachers, site administrators,
regional administrators, and members of the Secretary's cabinet), and the administration
of a teacher questionnaire at seven municipal schools implementing the Interdisciplinary
Project.
2. Current policy in the U.S. centers around issues
of school district decentralization and site-based management as the means for improving
teachers' effectiveness and student achievement. Elmore (1990), McLaughlin (1990),
Lichtenstein et al. (1991), McNeil (1986), Giroux (1989), and Sarason (1971) all provide
frameworks from which to evaluate these trends.
3. Because of political and economic turmoil,
primarily during Collor's administration, the Instituto Brasileiro de Estatistica e
Geografia, which is responsible for the Brazilian census, has experienced several setbacks
in compiling and producing the 1990 census. At this time, only basic population data is
available.
4. The minimum salary is established by the federal
government and constitutes a basic unit of measurement for salaries nationwide. A similar
mechanism in the United States is the minimum wage. Officially, income of 3 minimum
salaries or less qualifies as poor; 3-5 minimum salaries is working class and lower class;
5-20 minimum salaries is middle class and above 20 minimum salaries is upper middle class
(SEADE 1990).
5. Although tuition-free federal universities give
the impression of a public higher education system, in reality the students that are
persistent and studious enough to merit acceptance into these universities often come from
the most elite private high schools in the country. Thus, the public university serves
mostly the already well-served children of economic elites.
6. In Brazil, municipalities are responsible for
providing primary and adult education. State governments provide secondary education and
some cities, such as Sao Paulo, share with municipalities responsibility for primary
education. The federal government's primary public education responsibility is higher
education.
7. As Secretary of Education, Paulo Freire had
jurisdiction over a system that included 650 primary schools, 33,000 teachers, and almost
700,000 students and covered a geographical area of approximately 1,509 square kilometers.
8. "Popular" is used in this text to refer
to the working class and poor communities.
9. The current debate over the California Learning
Assessment System, which covers literature written by women authors of color such as Maya
Angelou, Alice Walker, and Maxine Hong Kingston, illustrates just how strong resistance is
to pluralization of knowledge.
10. In my field research, I observed schools that
were located in three different regional jurisdictions. Meeting schedules varied from
weekly meetings with technical assistants in one region, sporadic and unscheduled meetings
with technical assistants in another, and initially no contact with regional technical
assistants in the third.
11. I selected these seven schools from a broader
group of sixteen schools. Over 85 percent of the teachers in this group of sixteen schools
were women.
12. My understanding of the salary structure for
those involved in the Interdisciplinary Project is that the additional compensation for
those who participated in the full ten hours of weekly meetings was equal to the amount of
money that participants would have earned had they worked a full four hour shift at two
different schools and not participated in the project. However, my observations confirm
that participation in the Project required more than attendance at the 10 hours of weekly
meetings; such that working at two different schools, while resulting in similar
compensation, really required fewer hours of work than teaching at one school that was
involved in the demanding Interdisciplinary Project.
13. The MSE required Interdisciplinary Project
participants to meet together for ten hours each week in study/planning groups. Most
schools I observed scheduled these meetings in two and a half hour blocks, Monday through
Thursday. Schools developed various meeting schedules, depending on the times of the
teaching shifts. In three schools, teachers that taught during the 7:00 a.m. until 11:00
a.m. shift had their meetings from 11:00 a.m. until 1:30 p.m. In another school, teachers
taught from 3:30 p.m. until 7:30 p.m. They alternated their meetings between a 1:45 p.m.
until 3:15 p.m. schedule on Tuesdays and Thursdays and a 7:30 p.m. until 9:00 p.m.
schedule on Mondays and Wednesdays.
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